Afghanistan, Arms and Conflict: Armed Groups, Disarmament by Michael Vinay Bhatia, Mark Sedra

By Michael Vinay Bhatia, Mark Sedra

This can be the 1st e-book to supply a complete overview of small palms and security-related matters in post-9/11 Afghanistan. It contains case reports which show the findings of in-depth box examine on hitherto overlooked areas of the rustic, and offers a particular stability of thematic research, conceptual types and empirical study. Exploring numerous aspects of armed violence and measures to take on it, the quantity presents major perception into broader concerns reminiscent of the efficacy of overseas suggestions, the ‘shadow’ economic system, warlordism, and the Taliban-led insurgency. so that it will deconstruct and demystify Afghanistan’s alleged ‘gun culture’, it additionally explores a number of the winning stumbling blocks and possibilities dealing with the rustic in its transition interval. In so doing, the booklet bargains worthwhile classes to the state-builders of Afghanistan in addition to these of different international locations and areas suffering to emerge from classes of transition. This publication may be of a lot curiosity to all scholars of Afghanistan, small hands, insurgency, Asian reports, and clash reviews normally.  

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Additional info for Afghanistan, Arms and Conflict: Armed Groups, Disarmament and Security in a Post-war Society (Contemporary Security Studies)

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28 M. Bhatia First, the Afghan government previously played off local inter/intrafactional disputes in order to achieve greater influence in districts and provinces and to undermine power competitors (Giustozzi, 2000). As stridently detailed by Giustozzi, the narrative trend of a ‘good state’ battling ‘bad’ regional warlords and forces of fragmentation neglects the degree to which key state ministries have been captured by commanders as well as the degree to which the state used other regional commanders to undermine competitors (as seen in the attempts to box in Ismail Khan in 2004 from Ghor, Shindand and Badghis) (Giustozzi, 2004).

Security remained the primary concern for 40 per cent of all Afghans, with the disarmament programme supported by 95 per cent of those interviewed (Langer, 2005). This echoed the conclusions of a September 2004 Afghan Human Rights Consortium survey based on in-depth interviews with 763 individuals, which indicated that 65 per cent viewed disarmament as the ‘most important thing to do to improve security in Afghanistan,’ with this desire particularly pronounced in Mazar (87 per cent) and Hirat (73 per cent), particularly among the Uzbek and Turkmen populations of the former location (HRRAC, 2004, p.

Although the first post-Taliban Defence Minister, Mohammad Qasim Fahim, publicly supported the demilitarization process, he surreptitiously took steps to undermine it. By 2006, the government had succeeded in instituting greater ethnic balance at the leadership level in the security sector. Beneath that leadership stratum remained, however, a disproportionate degree of Panjshiri Tajik influence. This has had the effect of alienating elements of the Pashtun majority population as well as other ethnic minorities, like the Uzbek and Hazara, who see the security forces as an extension of a particular Tajik political clique rather than genuinely national institutions.

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